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Se lo fa, deve rimanere in purdah e cioè: Nella società pakistana scrive R. Haque , lo spazio pubblico è di pertinenza degli uomini e fare purdah significa oggi per le donne guadagnare una maggior libertà di movimento rendendosi pubblicamente invisibili.

Al contrario, praticare il purdah nello spazio pubblico italiano fa assumere loro una grande visibilità. Nel racconto delle madri sulla trasmissione del purdah alle figlie ho potuto rilevare come sia data per certa in coloro che hanno narrato come la migrazione abbia innescato un cambiamento verso le pratiche purdah cui non aderivano totalmente in Pakistan, ma che, attraverso la pratica religiosa, hanno riscoperto in Italia. Ad esempio, il mio cambiamento è avvenuto qui, in Italia, ma avevo le cose dentro di me dal Pakistan.

Nei miei primi trenta anni di vita ho vissuto senza purdah esterno, mettevo solo il dupatta sulla spalla, ma non avevo questa pace interiore che ho adesso. Qui in Italia, ho preso i libri in mano, ho studiato a casa. Sono pochi anni che osservo il purdah del vestito e questa pace interiore è una protezione che sento, mi mancava prima.

Oggi mi sento completa come donna. Assia, 18 marzo A sua volta Jamila narra che: Ho scoperto cosa era il vero significato del purdah quando sono entrata nella ricerca religiosa, qui, in moschea, in Italia. Quando andavo a scuola, dopo i quattordici anni avevo un chador abbastanza grande, ma era solo un mezzo per sentirmi sicura, nessuno osava parlare con me. Ero incinta del mio terzo figlio ed ho iniziato questa conoscenza. Jamila, 10 aprile Ma perché qui le maestre spingono al gioco insieme maschi e femmine?

Io sono molto turbata, se tu vedi le ragazze quando inizia la stagione calda come si vestono e si baciano con i maschi, i nostri figli vedono questa differenza tra la casa e fuori. La nostra religione è diversa non ci da il permesso.

Ma qui si va a scuola per studiare, imparare o per scegliere il partner? Domani avendo questa educazione a scuola mi porterà qualcuno a casa? Io sono preoccupata, devo richiamare con forza, altrimenti un giorno… in questa età il cervello e la mente è debole, è come un contenitore che stiamo riempiendo e domani tutto questo ritornerà. Shazia, 22 marzo Le narrazioni delle giovani in età adolescenziale, inizialmente raccolte in gruppo presso la moschea di Brescia e successivamente approfondite al loro domicilio, hanno messo in luce la presenza del purdah nella loro esistenza e la necessità di una sua elaborazione che possa convivere nel contesto italiano.

In questo modo la soggettività si organizza intorno ad un sentimento di sé 96 Per sharam devi portare il tuo purdah! Il purdah è una cosa che noi ragazze, le donne adulte musulmane, dovremmo fare in certi luoghi di fronte a certe persone. Uzma, quindicenne racconta invece che: Nel suo pensiero il purdah non visibile viene associato allo: La voce di Tooba è precisa quando dice che: Per quanto riguarda il purdah della lingua, tu devi stare attenta a come dici e parli con gli uomini pakistani, perché se siamo simpatiche penseranno che ci stai, quindi non Maria Grazia Soldati 97 puoi sorridere come fai con gli italiani.

Ma penso che sia per tutti, tu devi avere un limite con tutti Naila, 20 gennaio Immesse in processi educativi dinamici, le ragazze si trovano a dover mediare codici, linguaggi, tradizioni e valori estranei gli uni agli altri, rivelando la natura complessa della trasmissione culturale.

Io non li conosco nemmeno i ragazzi italiani, ho più amiche che amici. Un conflitto che è raccontato come interno, risultato di un dinamico intersecarsi di modelli sociali e culturali, sistemi di valori, comportamenti e atteggiamenti intrisi di significati simbolici. Nella mia esperienza etnoclinica i conflitti maggiori tra famiglie e servizi emergono quando si pone la questione nei termini di riconoscimento identitario: Solitamente le ragazze adolescenti apparentemente pongono invece domande di riconoscimento 98 Per sharam devi portare il tuo purdah!

Ed è qui che si situa la mediazione etnoclinica: Riferimenti bibliografici Aslam, N. Mappe per amanti smarriti. Il senso degli altri. La ricerca del significato. De Pury Toumy, S. Theorie e pratique de la mediation interculturelle en situation clinique. Les Empecheurs de penser en rond, Paris.

Come si dice doppio gioco in Pakistan? Saggi di etnopsicanalisi complementaristica. La sapienza di partite da sé. Bambine e bambini di qui e di altrove. Il Pakistan tra ulama e generali. Mezzo secolo di storia. Genitori in esilio, psicopatologia e migrazione. Non siamo soli al mondo. A qui j appartiens? Ecrits sur la psychothérapie,sur la guerre et sur la paix.

Purdah o della protezione. Seconda Sessione Dai margini al centro. Una traversalità messa in gioco fin Dai margini al centro. Sedgwick e Judith Butler. De Lauretis, []: La seconda dimensione coinvolge la questione degli spazi istituzionali e transnazionali della ricerca, interni alle stesse dinamiche della globalizzazione.

Gender, queer e postcoloniale formano una costellazione che Dai margini al centro. La loro rappresentazione chiama in causa le connessioni tra corpi e cittadinanza attraverso forme di memorie embodied collegate a dimensioni relative al genere, alla razza, alla sessualità e al colore. I primi due saggi entrano nel cuore delle tensioni che attraversano e hanno attraversato le relazioni tra femminismo, lesbismo e teoria queer, mettendo a tema sia il nesso fondativo tra politica e teoria sia lo scenario politico-culturale in cui il successo accademico del queer si è accompagnato alla marginalizzazione delle sue radici lesbofemministe.

Attraverso i fili che collegano biografia e pratica politica, la tensione erotica con quella poetica, le voci delle due poetesse e attiviste lesbiche rimandano al complesso rapporto tra soggettività di frontiera, sessualità dissindenti e movimenti diasporici che prende forma negli anni Ottanta imponendo una queerizzazione della teoria femminista.

In questo contesto, il lesbo-queer, non allude ad uno spazio di rivendicazione identitaria, quanto piuttosto suggerisce una specifica figurazione incarnata e situata che ri-politicizza il rapporto tra differenze, mettendo in evidenza connessioni e frizioni e aprendo a nuovi immaginari.

Il lavoro di Gilberto Freyre è assunto qui come paradigmatico della forza incredibilmente innovativa e conservatrice allo stesso tempo di questa ideologia. La rilettura della storia brasiliana alla luce del valore profondamente democratico del suo modello coloniale capace di amalgamare le differenze culturali, va di pari passo con la torsione in senso positivo degli elementi di violenza di genere e razziale caratteristici del dominio portoghese. Scarpulla suggerisce infatti che sia proprio la dimensione materiale e performativa specifica della danza ad essere esclusa dalla scena della rappresentazione.

La ricchezza dei contributi inclusi nella sessione indica la rilevanza di alcuni temi trasversali, tra cui mi preme indicarne almeno due. In primo luogo va segnalata la centralità delle dinamiche legate alla traduzione culturale, un tema che ha giocato un ruolo di primo piano negli studi postcoloniali, ma che assume anche nuove e diverse valenze.

Accanto a questa, si affianca, tuttavia, una seconda direzione di indagine che insiste soprattutto sui processi di autotraduzione come costitutivi delle forme di soggettività a cui fa riferimento il saggio di Borghi. Si tratta di un terreno di riflessione particolarmente significativo in relazione alla riconfigurazione delle relazioni tra margini e centro. In questo senso, gli archivi che attorno al nesso tra corpi, sessualità e soggettività come ricercatrici contribuiamo a fare e disfare non rivelano solo una finalità decostruttiva, ma anche una potenzialità trasformativa che guarda al passato non per spiegare il presente, ma per destabilizzarne le interpretazioni.

I miei ringraziamenti vanno in primo luogo a Eleonora Missana che ha coordinato con me il panel durante il convegno e collaborato alla lettura dei testi, insieme a tutte coloro che in varie fasi hanno contribuito alla realizzazione di questa pubblicazione: Un ringraziamento particolare va alle studiose che hanno arricchito con il loro contributo il dibattito durante il Convegno e i cui interventi non è stato possibile inserire in queste pagine: Femminismo, teoria queer e critica postcoloniale Bibliografia Butler J.

Identità, sesso e desiderio. Race, classe et critique queer. The Political Grammar of Feminist Theory. Duke University Press, Durham. From Margin to Center. South End Press, Boston. Lutz, H; Herrera Vivar, M. Homonationalism in Queer Times.

Duke University Press, Durham and London. Berg, Oxford, — Race, Gender and Bodies out of Place. Epistemology of the Closet. University of California Press, Los Angeles. Epistemologia e politica della sessualità. Fear of a Queer Planet: Queer Politics and Social Theory. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.

In the archive of queer politics: This paper endorses the suggestion that we push back the timeline of queer theory to the s rooting it firmly in lesbian feminism despite the disclaimers and erasures of official queer theory. But rather than stating the obvious — i. In Lisa Duggan saw the new lesbian communities united by dissent towards Adrienne Rich and Dionne Brand Listening for Something dominant forms of organizing sexual and gender performances, and by the shared conviction that identity is something to be constantly renegotiated.

Although she agreed with this, Jacqueline Zita pointed out that gender roles are not just a question of performance as Judith Butler maintained: And women theorists pursued their own deconstructive interests. The mainly white US lesbian feminism had a strong intercultural and interracial component. Non-white women had shared in the making of feminist consciousness, even though we only date their lesbian beginnings from the Statement of the Combahee River Collective, and their history has now been rewritten correcting erasures and a neglect of which most of us scholars have been at least partially guilty.

The 80s saw the beginning of a queer turn for feminist theorists: Sedgwick, Teresa De Lauretis, and others were writing texts that expanded the boundaries of lesbian feminism into the territories Liana Borghi of queer theory. Therefore this paper goes back in time to the archives of the mids, to take a look at a forgotten video interview of Adrienne Rich and Dionne Brand, entitled Listening for Something D.

This is not the first time I read and research the writings of Rich and Brand. But here I go back in time to reconsider their dialogue in the context of the development of a lesbian queer theory. There, the History of Consciousness Department of University at the California Santa Cruz was still, and would continue to be, a beehive of cross-cultural encounters and theoretical production, including the conference on Queer Theory organized by De Lauretis which featured a strong intercultural and interracial discourse on sexuality.

When in Dionne Brand, a Caribbean poet who was also a political activist, wrote to her proposing a video interview, the offer could seem to Rich a small compensation for the loss of her friend Audre Lorde who had died the year before. The filmed interview was the result of an exchange of 4 letters — October 26th, ; Adrienne Rich and Dionne Brand Listening for Something January 28th, ; May 1st, ; June , and the video was published in Brand was a generation younger than Rich, a Caribbean author from Trinidad who had emigrated to Canada aged seventeen and was primarily concerned with racism, colonial oppression, and decolonization.

She had published in a collection of poems, No Language is Neutral, and in a book of short stories, Bread Out of Stone: Published in , the same year as the interview, In Another Place, Not Here connected her with other Caribbean authors writing on the Black Atlantic;39 two other novels followed in and , and a long essay, Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging , an unforgettable study of the black diaspora L.

Brand states in the video that her poetry speaks to black people; the novel also does this featuring the historical context of slavery and migration, rich imagery, the use of patois, and her typically dense descriptive style. In the love story of Elizete and Verlia, queer diasporic subjectivities affirm the potential agency of female homo sexual desire. As descendants of slavery, the characters seem to have no home and no return.

The past is never quite gone and their bodies are archives of shame and pain. As an example, she writes about the beach at Guaya: Liana Borghi resides in its refusal of origins, in its insistence on the impossibility of tracing lineage and assessing the past through bloodlines, genealogy, or conventional historiography.

In the interview Rich and Brand meet as poets: The video opens with slides showing excerpts from their correspondence: Rich had already debated this question in the 80s, in her autobiographical essay Split at the Root and in her poetic sequence, Sources , as well as in her longer essay, The Politics of Location which in many ways dovetailed with an earlier essay by her Jamaican partner Michelle Cliff.

Her vindication of derogatory terms implied in the title points to a subsequent connection of lesbian identity politics with queer theories. As in the case of Audre Lorde and Dionne Brand, this multiplicity of identities perceived within the constraints of heteronormativity queried and disrupted the dominant narratives of white heterosexual women L.

But we do know what a hard-won achievement it had been for Rich to claim her poetical subjectivity in the formalist times of her early career, to write political confessional poetry, then to come out as a feminist and as a sexual deviant in the 70s. As a lesbian I have no race, my own people disclaim me; but I am all races because there is the queer in me of all races. They come to this from different experiences but both acknowledge the kind of female genealogy that lesbians value: Either generational line is built on default and difference: Rich extends from family to literature, even to gay and lesbian writings, and to their own.

As for politics, Brand had acquired a direct experience of alienated labour and exploitative colonialist economics when she was a teenager in Cuba in Rich, marked for middle class marriage and motherhood, had escaped from both in order to become the poet she wanted to be.

In she had identified with Ethel Rosenberg, underlining in a poem her will to distinguish herself although checked and subdued by marriage. But communism had not seemed a viable choice to Rich in those years of Khrushev and McCarthyism.

Still, both of them feel and resent the discomfort of living in the failed democracy of the American Empire, where, Rich says, 42 The experience is reflected in the poems of Chronicles of a Hostile Sun Liana Borghi the Right has been very consciously and with great method consolidating power, molding discourses, snatching certain kinds of discourse away from the progressives, renaming everything in this extraordinary, Orwellian way.

The language of female liberation is now commonplace among those in control but the condition of women is not changing. In the distribution of wealth the empowerment of women consists in introducing them into capitalist economies where they lose control over labour and worth. Or that women could change things around us suggests that a great many other things would have to change not just around women I now return to my claim about a Lesbian Queer.

The identity politics that gave cohesion to lesbian feminism was soon questioned both by coloured women and by critics with a postmodern Adrienne Rich and Dionne Brand Listening for Something approach.

Scholars sensitive to poststructuralist definitions of identity — like Laura Doan in her edited collection, The Lesbian Postmodern — wrote creatively collating queer studies and lesbian cultures, but criticized the new queer movement for not considering lesbian specific requirements.

In her Getting Specific. Postmodern Lesbian Politics, Shane Phelan described postmodernism as representing the incompleteness of any narrative, and the instability of identities and social topologies. She recommended that Lesbians should enter public discourse… as people occupying provisional subject positions in heterosexual society Our politics must be informed by affinity rather than identity, not simply because we are not all alike, but because we embody multiple, often conflicting, identities and locations.

Unfortunately, she wrote, Queer Nation was not interested in enlarging this field, nor in material social relations, like commodification, international capital, disenfranchisements, racism, but only in shifting privilege within its wealthy white middle class gay members. Suzanna Walters distinguished between queer theory and queer practice, also repeating the accusations of gay privilege, effacement of lesbians, prevalent hegemonic whiteness in the queer movement.

Despite differences in style, strategy, and tactics, there were — she thought — similarities with the lesbian movement: The theorized separation of sexuality from gender created a real problem for lesbians because gender issues are structural and cannot easily and voluntarily be ignored or disposed of without the global structural changes that Adrienne Rich considered necessary and unavoidable.

Non-conformist lesbians were used to resisting regimes of normativity. Understanding that sex and gender are interlocking constructions that must be deconstructed and separated so that object choice is no longer sexually predetermined, also seemed relatively easy. A lesbian minority could speak for specific rights. Therefore gender identity remained a problem even in the era of the cyborg and the eccentric subject.

Can there be a queerness for lesbians beyond gender? The queer movement, despite its activism over the AIDS crisis, has been described as having no political outcome. Of course we know that there has been, and there is, a lot more and a lot else to queer studies. So I leave readers to interrogate their social imaginary with the question: And what is it for you? Aunt Lute Books, San Francisco. Genere, precarietà e intercultura. Luoghi del non ritorno. No Language is Neutral.

Bread Out of Stone: Coach House Press, Toronto. In Another Place, Not Here. National Film Board of Canada, Montréal. At the Full and Change of the Moon. A Map to the Door of No Return: Tactics of Intervention in Contemporary Cultural Studies. Indiana University Press, Bloomington.

Trauma, Sexuality, and Lesbian Public Cultures. Duke University Press, Durham N. Queer Theory and the Death Drive. Routledge, New York, Loving in the War Years. Lesbian Feminism and the Limits of Community. Temple University Press, Philadelphia. Blood, Bread, and Poetry: Selected Prose Dark Fields of the Republic.

Liana Borghi — Scribner, New York, Essays on Art and Society, Origins, Experiences and Culture. The Poetry of Dionne Brand. Wilfrid Laurier University Press, Waterloo, Beyond the Lesbian Nation. Yet Another Unhappy Marriage? Lesbians Teaching Queer Subjects. Tradurre in italiano queer non è semplice, e infatti non lo facciamo. Differenza in movimento M. I punti di vista sulla questione sono molteplici: Quello a cui si opponevano pionieri queer come Whitman, e poi Robert Duncan, Audre Lorde o Judy Grahn — ci ricorda Rich — è lo stesso sistema di valori, patriarcale e razzista, contro cui ha preso la parola il femminismo.

A scriverlo è Teresa de Lauretis, che aggiunge: Queer era da più di un secolo un aggettivo usato in senso spregiativo per indicare una persona omosessuale, e il movimento di liberazione gay e lesbica ne aveva proposto di recente un recupero in senso positivo. Oltre che, naturalmente, di genere. Disparità, sottolineo, e non differenza: La differenza è un valore e una ricchezza.

Sembra che pochi ne sentano la necessità. Quali sono le scelte metodologiche che contraddistinguono una studiosa queer e la rendono diversa da chi queer non è o pensa di non essere? Negli studi letterari il problema emerge già alla fine degli anni Novanta, quando Marilee Lindemann scrive: Alla lunga questo rifiuto diventerà un ostacolo e un limite per il nostro lavoro M. Certo ogni definizione implica una limitazione: Valeria Gennero se tutti sono queer, allora nessuno lo è — e mentre questo è esattamente quanto sostengono i teorici queer, il fatto di attenuare la valenza negativa del termine universalizzandone il significato lo priva anche di forza esplicativa S.

Quali sono dunque i vantaggi, e quali i rischi, della nuova denominazione? Quando al movimento delle donne — considerato arcaico e inadeguato in quanto basato su una nozione troppo stabile di identità — subentra un movimento queer caratterizzato da differenze molteplici e incomparabili, a venire cancellato è il contributo del pensiero femminile e femminista alla ridefinizione di una nozione di soggettività capace di accogliere il contributo della differenza.

Judith Butler aveva individuato nel drag, nelle performance en travesti delle drag queen e dei drag king, una messa in scena capace di mostrare il dispositivo del gender in funzione, rivelando un meccanismo in cui citazioni e ripetizioni si inseguono in una circolarità che esclude la presenza di un originale a cui fare riferimento.

Dove ci conducono dunque questi strumenti di lettura flessibili ed eclettici? A Halberstam servono per eseguire una ricognizione accurata di una serie di maschilità femminili che vanno dal realismo butch, al drag king, drag king femme e drag king frocio.

Come distinguere tra omaggio e oltraggio, o tra parodia e pastiche? Quelle Valeria Gennero verso cui gravita Halberstam sono questioni complesse e ampiamente dibattute nella teoria postmodernista, femminista e non, anche se di questi contributi Halberstam non sembra tenere conto. Nel suo volume Halberstam racconta come un locale, durante un concorso di drag king, abbia persino organizzato una falsa protesta di femministe interpretate da drag queen che hanno interrotto lo show brandendo cartelli del tipo: La rappresentazione delle femministe come arpie inferocite e intolleranti ha una storia lunga quanto il femminismo medesimo: Nelle pagine di In a Queer Time and Space , Halberstam descrive una temporalità queer basata sul rifiuto del conformismo di coloro che si assoggettano al modello, ormai non solo eterosessuale, di chi desidera una relazione stabile e forse addirittura dei figli, e descrive una sottocultura queer caratterizzata invece da attività come: The Politics of Postmodernism L.

Hutcheon, , e al recente: Come studiosa di letteratura anglo-americana posso offrire un esempio che riguarda il mio ambito lavorativo. La mia ipotesi è che 46 47 48 Womanism è un termine riferito alla cultura femminile afroamericana cfr.: Al convegno precedente della IASA, tenuto a Lisbona nel , era andata anche peggio, con 5 riferimenti su interventi.

Valeria Gennero esistano almeno due significati complementari di queer. E non è un caso se a caratterizzarle troviamo: La società del rischio: Columbia University Press, New York. In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives. The Politics of Postmodernism. A Lesbian Feminist Perspective. Working the Spaces of Neoliberalism: Activism, Professionalisation, and Incorporation. Bio-imaging, body art e costruzione della soggettività.

Essays on Art in Society, University of Texas Press, Austin. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, San Diego. Queer Theory, Gender Theory: Alyson Books, Los Angeles. Tales of contested nationhood s: Introduction In her seminal essay, Gayatri Spivak asks whether or not the subaltern can speak.

Almost two decades later, together with Judith Butler, she also asked who sings the nation-state J. Both questions are symptomatic of the shifting and unstable nature of our era. In fact, in recent years, a theoretical shift towards an interdisciplinary and political project is critical of the current shape of contemporary global gender politics, particularly in an era defined by its post-condition, where the major marks of identification of modernity and coloniality are under stress, from both academy and political struggle from below.

Shohat, , the dehyphenization of the Nation-state J. Spivak, is an ongoing process subjected to contestation and negotiation. It is, therefore, critical to our times to challenge and re-think the connections between gender, race, sexuality and their performance both in the Nation and in the State.

In this paper, we critically analyse the historical and discursive emergence of foundational narratives of the Nation in Brazil, highlighting its colonial roots and The postcolonial, the feminist and the queer in the un making of Brazilian identity evaluating the role played by images and discourses about women in the making of the imaginative space of the Nation.

Further on, we will look to the mythological tale of Catarina Paraguaçu in order to present subaltern counter-narratives grounded on the interplay between Feminism, Queer Theory and Postcolonialism.

In this sense, it is central to notice two main silences in the hegemonic narratives of nation-building and state construction: From these political ties between gender role and nationhood we may derivate two main standpoints.

Firstly, we may assume that the gendered division of labour and power within the social and political structures of the Nation-state D. Haraway, is tightly attached to the gender division of nationhood itself J. In the periphery of the world-system, both nation and state building cannot be set apart from the wider political process of colonial expansion and politics of liberation.

What Connel and other critics are trying to demonstrate is that global capitalism, both in its colonial and Caio S. Moreover, from the mid 80s onwards, a critical scholarship, feminist or not, has been arguing that both States and Nations are gendered institutions.

When we turn to the recent contribution of postcolonial and queer studies, however, we are led to recognize that patriarchy, as a global process, does not exist as an autonomous field of power, but is actually attached to wider capitalist and colonial transformations. This deep articulation between colonialism and miscegenation raises the question of the politics of sex and erotization as technologies of Empire. As Verena Stolke suggests: In colonial society, the sexualized body became fundamental in the structuration of the socio-cultural and ethical fabric gendered by the Portuguese and Spanish conquest and subsequent colonization of the New World V.

The history of mestiçagem as an attribute of the Latin American Nation is, thus, the result of an interplay between gender, race and sexuality in the forging and narration of the national space and its imageries of belonging. In this paper, rather than covering the literature on mestiçagem in Brazil, we aim to critically address one masterpiece that has shaped debates, defined agendas and still today echoes on public discussions on the limits of democratization and identity in Brazil — The Masters and the Slaves, by the anthropologist Gilberto Freyre.

Published in , the book was a turning point in the study of Brazilian national formation. Freyre defined Portuguese colonialism in terms of sexual intercourse with native women rather than of political domination, by emphasizing the specificity of the Portuguese colonizer as devoid of racism and holder of a special capacity to adapt to the tropics. What is quite remarkable in this text is the ideological distortion of the gendered violence of Portuguese sexualized colonialism.

This discourse of miscegenation and hybridity was not only conniving with white and male elites, which it did not challenge, but was also reworked and re-conduced as an export product. The poem — entitled Caramuru — is divided between a rhetoric of Christian Humanism and intellectual rationalism. In the narrative, Diogo Alvarez is represented as a cultural hero, in a mixture of civilizing agent and Jesuit missionari M.

The film,49 on the other hand, mixes elements of traditional historiography with contemporary interventions that re-signify and update the history of the couple Diogo and Paraguaçu with elements of parody and satire. We will here focus on two processes critical to a proper understanding of Paraguaçu and her gendered and colonized space within the Nation: The marriage between Paraguaçu and Diogo Alvares is one of the mythologies that constitute Brazilian national identity.

The marriage between white colonizer and indigenous woman carries the founding myth of the first family and the subordination of the colony to the metropolis, of woman to man, of nature to culture. These dichotomies represent, on variable ways, a hierarchical and sexualised relation.

Here, the link between femininity and nature enforces colonial and patriarchal domination, and 49 The film was first resealed in , produced by Globo Filmes, directed by Guel Arraes with screenplay by Jorge Furtado.

Such analogy, derivative of the binary structure that sexualizes hierarchy, is insidiously portrayed in both the poem and the film in question. The nature-culture fracture serves to represent the land as much as the woman in a position of conquest and submission before the male and colonizer. The analysis of the narrative showed us that male conquest of land and domination of women are entangled processes.

In both the poem and the film, the female is described as both the bearer of the native man and receptive of the white colonizer. Sleeping is Paraguaçu, beautiful Where a clear stream runs, under the shadow; As languid as her, there is the white rose, And in the plants, calmly, the vigor dies; But seeking the delightful freshness Flowing of a grain of passion fruit, She was reclining, beautiful, in a trunk Which, hiding her up, reveals her face J.

The beauty of Paraguaçu is figuratively descrive through elements of the tropics, sealing the relationship between women, native beauty and tropical nature. Needless to say, attempts to naturalize the indigenous and female body in the colonizing process are evident in many fields, from the literary canon to historiography.

In this paper, our focus on the poem and the film seeks to reassert the need to understand the cultural and social processes that led to their symbolic construction and established the boundaries of their hegemonic reason. In the film, for instance, even in the face of satire and 50 Our translation. The full text original version is http: The legend also refers to the figure of Moema, another Indigenous woman who drowned to death while trying to swim to the ship where Diogo and Paraguaçu were leaving for France, and who even begged for her loved one to cast the ray that would kill her.

Thus, marriage as a ritualization of colonial power in the moment of conversion is constitutive of this articulation between the imagery of the indigenous woman as a Christian heroin, trafficked to Europe, renamed, reshaped by Christian faith and by interracial monogamous marriage — the same woman who would be latter taken as the basis for the myth of three founder races of the Brazilian Nation: Not only her resemblance to any muse of European epics, but also her completely acceptance of the colonial rule and conversion to the Christian faith makes of Paraguaçu the Indian to be portrayed as an allied of the colonizing process as she is integrated in the poetic narrative by Caramuru.

In the film, on the other hand, Paraguaçu is portrayed as a sexualized woman, as long she does not understand the notion of sin and exhibits her nearly naked body, waiting for the arrival of the foreigners.

All these ideas of sexual liberation, of promiscuity in the tropics and lack of sin recall the idea consensual sexual intercourse under colonization, thus legitimating myths of miscegenation and racial democracy. In both poem and film, the body of Paraguaçu is identified with the border space of its representation. In the film of the 20th century, she is a mestiça and presents a racialized sexuality. Sensual and modest, sign of goodness and sin, the colonized that materialized her alliance with the colonizer, the savage that waited to be discovered by civilization, the pagan that believed in God and wanted to be converted.

Paraguaçu is, thus, presented as the embodiment of nature and from the standpoint of a binary opposition that separates nature and culture and implies the subordination of the former. The Indigenous woman is, therefore, naturalized, in her body, her sex and her race. Unveiling this colonial fixation is to analyze the cultural and social processes that determined her symbolic construction as a subject of discourse and established the boundaries of the hegemonic narrative and of the intelligible sign.

In the colonizing process, settling a body as other was critical to the hegemonic comprehension of the meaning of identity. Conclusion In this paper, we tried to re-signify Paraguaçu one more time, by unveiling the power relations underlying the narratives of Brazil of which she is an ingredient.

This perspective is crucial in the attempt to rethink the colonization of knowledge that still leads us, from a Brazilian positioning, to search for the centre. To talk about Catarina Paraguaçu from another standpoint, to narrate her other-wise, is an attempt to explore subaltern histories and memories, bringing out other identitarian affiliations that were silenced in the making of Brazil, both historically and in the present. After walking that path, we cannot help noting that colonialism is far from been a historical past, but instead is a constitutive heritage that still hunts our thoughts, discourses and even our feminist practices L.

Therefore, we should also recognize that, when re-telling the story and the history of Paraguaçu as a subaltern, colonized woman, we are also inflicting another layer of signification to her representation as such. As Spivak suggest, as a subaltern, she cannot speak, and speaking up for her would be again the exercise of epistemic violence. We can, instead, take her image as a contested figure that does not need to enforce but may actually disrupt the politics of textuality underlying colonial and postcolonial narratives of nationhood.

Spivak, in broader and deeper disputes for the right to speak and remember the Nation. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Who Sings the Nation State? Sage Publications, London, Poema épico do descobrimento da Bahia. Regia Officina Typografica, Lisboa. Livros do Brasil, Lisboa.

The Idea of Latin America. Gender, Nation and Postcolonial Perspectives. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, Hybridity in Culture, Theory and Race. Incertezze coloniali in Africa: Marc Epprecht ha dimostrato la tendenza tuttavia degli studiosi del periodo coloniale a censurare, minimizzare o esotizzare le pratiche omosessuali, in conformità con le ideologie coloniali e i principali dibattiti sul genere e la sessualità in Europa e negli Stati Uniti.

Andrew Battell, che visse tra gli Imbangala nel , riportava: I missionari cristiani imposero di eliminare quelle che consideravano pratiche immorali delle società africane come poligamia e infibulazione, dando poca attenzione ad altri tipi di comportamenti.

Il più importante promotore di questa teoria era Sir Richard Burton, il quale aveva una limitata esperienza nel territorio africano e un forte disprezzo per i neri. Fu nominato cavaliere della corona inglese nel Incertezze coloniali La dialettica e la tensione tra tradizione e modernità, che aveva segnato i processi di ibridazione culturale connessi al dominio coloniale, introdusse tuttavia nel giro di poco tempo nuove complicazioni per gli antropologi.

Nuove forme di sessualità tra individui dello stesso sesso incominciarono a essere discusse ai margini dei dibattiti pubblici, già nei primi anni del Novecento. Come spiegarono Moodie e Harries T. Harries, , in Sud Africa queste unioni temporanee tra uomini spesso erano utili per rinforzare matrimoni tradizionali con le donne rimaste nelle aree rurali: Organizzazioni omosessuali e rapporti nelle prigioni inoltre venivano di solito costruiti come espedienti a breve termine, o erano asserzioni simboliche di potere maschile e identità in ambienti che minavano il senso di dignità.

Gli antropologi sostennero in maniera tacita quegli sforzi. Roberta Cafuri 4. Gli stessi antropologi occidentali e le loro pratiche di ricerca erano permeati di atteggiamenti omofobici, costitutivi, ad esempio, dei modelli culturali di rispettabilità e mascolinità che interpretavano. Egli svolse il primo studio dichiaratemente scientifico sulle relazioni tra persone dello stesso sesso tra i giovani della Guinea: Sin dagli anni Settanta, per esempio, gli autoritratti del fotografo di origini nigeriane Samuel Fosso54 si presentano come ironiche messe in scena, che esplorano la possibilità di moltiplicare i significati del corpo attraverso modalità tipiche del travestimento e della performance: Samuel Fosso si è affermato dopo aver esposto per la prima volta le sue opere nel , durante la prima edizione dei Rencontres de la Photographie a Bamako, in Mali.

Roberta Cafuri contemporanea. Nelle sue opere fotografiche in bianco e nero, Fosso si ritrae vestito con abiti alla moda e occhiali scuri, pantaloni con bretelle, gonne floreali, guanti bianchi, in divisa da judo o da militare, con stivali con le zeppe. Anche gli africani son omosessuali Wynes R. Aina Barale, citati in M.

In questo contesto la rappresentazione dei processi che attraversavano le società africane diventava progressivamente più complessa e articolata. Il rapporto anale invece, in determinate condizioni, era praticato o simulato nei riti perché si pensava portasse un buon raccolto o una buona caccia, proteggesse dagli spiriti maligni e desse virilità nel matrimonio.

Concludendo In conclusione, le categorie di eterosessualità, bisessualità e omosessualità sono state oggetto di revisione.

La nuova consapevolezza di sé, la visibilità sociale acquisita dalle donne e la ricerca da parte delle diverse e articolate società africane di una propria identità ibrida o meticcia A. Wieringa, , hanno obbligato i protagonisti del dibattito sociale, gli intellettuali e gli studiosi occidentali e africani ad assumere nuovi punti di vista, prestando maggior attenzione ai fenomeni di rivendicazione promossi anche dagli artisti africani contemporanei. Bibliografia Aina Barale, M.

Prometheus, Buffalo-New York, Male Daughters, Female Husbands. Gender and Sex in African Society. Ha vinto diversi premi, compreso quello per la pittura alla prima Biennale nello Zimbabwe sulle Arti Visive eseguite da donne. Si possono vedere le immagini di alcune sue opere e raccogliere informazioni sulla sua vita nei siti: The Geography of Perversion: The book of the thousand nights and a nights, with introduction, explanatory notes on the manners and customs of Moslem men and a terminal essay upon the history of the nights.

Female Same-sex Practices in Africa. Boy-wives and Female Husbands. Studies of African Homosexualities. Dal Kenya al Sud Africa e al Sudan: Roberta Cafuri Trad. Les noirs du Sudan: I cannot speak for us Jamila M. Spivak Calcutta, e bell hooks Hopkinsville, Essere nel margine significa appartenere, pur essendo esterni, al corpo principale. Per noi, americani neri, abitanti di una piccola città del Kentucky, i binari del treno sono stati il segno tangibile e quotidiano della nostra marginalità.

Alle parole di hooks, Spivak risponderebbe probabilmente con una punta di sarcasmo: Questo immaginario scambio di battute avrebbe potuto scoraggiarmi da ogni tentativo di forzare ulteriormente la comunicazione. Nella prefazione alla Critica della ragione postcoloniale, invece, ho trovato qualche valido motivo per non desistere. Qui Spivak riconosce a bell hooks insieme ad altre autrici come Trinh T. Min-ha, Chandra Talpade Mohanty e Sara Suleri il merito di aver contribuito al progresso degli studi femministi postcoloniali.

In seguito Subalterne e marginali. Questo esperimento non intende in alcun modo cercare di diluire o dissolvere la specificità del soggetto subalterno di genere, rispetto alla definizione originariamente formulata da Spivak in Can the subaltern speak? La linea di demarcazione, secondo questo parametro, sembra essere primariamente geografica: La traccia che propongo nel corso di questo articolo suggerisce che la geografia del margine possa aiutarci a creare ponti tra le diverse esperienze della dominazione.

Un rapido sguardo ai percorsi biografici di hooks e Spivak ci permette di individuare uno spettro consistente di affinità: Gli accostamenti possibili sono tanti. I cannot speak for us ispirato profondamente la trama della riflessione matura. Si tratta di Bhuvaneswari Baduri e Baba. Baba, invece, è la nonna di bell hooks e una figura ricorrente nei suoi scritti.

Le affinità riscontrate fin qui consentono ora di tornare ad affrontare il tentativo di intrecciare lo spazio della subalternità e quello della marginalità. Da un lato le parole irriverenti pronunciate a gran voce da hooks fin da bambina nel contesto rigido e severo della sua famiglia, e poi da donna situata al margine Subalterne e marginali. Spivak sceglie una lingua complessa e sofisticata, che spazia da Hegel al decostruzionismo, da Kant al marxismo, e si esercita nella critica letteraria di M.

Morrison e tanti altri. Entrambe subiscono i tentativi di silenziamento operati dalla voce dei dominanti. Entrambe, la subalterna proprio come la donna al margine, si trovano catapultate al centro del discorso dominante e sono costrette ad ascoltarne il ritornello: Raccontami solo del tuo dolore. Io sono il colonizzatore, il soggetto parlante e tu ora sei al centro del mio discorso b. Non è privo di rilievo notare che nel corso dei suoi lavori Spivak ha fatto spesso riferimento al concetto di margine.

In un articolo del dedicato al romanzo di J. Coetzee Foe, a sua volta ispirato al Robinson Crusoe di D. La sua unica arma contro la prepotenza dei dominanti è quella di rimanere in silenzio e il suo silenzio rappresenta precisamente la sola voce che i dominanti non sono in grado di ascoltare.

Da bambina, il viaggio di attraversamento della città per raggiungere la casa della nonna, era una delle esperienze più eccitanti. Ci era concesso di accedere a quel mondo ma non di viverci. Ogni sera dovevamo fare ritorno al margine […] b. La marginalità rivendicata, invece, rinvia a quello spazio protetto dal potere dominante, che hooks identifica con la casa, il focolare domestico, costruito Subalterne e marginali.

I cannot speak for us faticosamente dalle donne nere per essere lo spazio di una comunità di resistenza. Chi diavolo vuole proteggere la subalternità? Solo degli antropologi da museo estremamente reazionari. Lavorare al servizio delle subalterne significa combattere la subalternità G. Non si tratta di una nozione mistica di marginalità. Voglio affermare che questi margini sono stati luoghi di repressione, ma anche di resistenza b.

Ma Spivak ribatterebbe ancora: Sono le meno interessanti e le più pericolose. Si trovano entro i confini del discorso egemonico, vogliono prendervi parte e non gli è permesso. Ma] non dovrebbero definirsi subalterni G. La subalternità è immobile, il margine si attraversa. La subalternità si combatte, il margine si rivendica.

In questi termini sembra che nessuna convergenza sia possibile. Eppure marginali e subalterne condividono, da posizionamenti diversi e con effetti diseguali, il medesimo centro.

A partire da queste premesse possono nascere alleanze strategiche? La necessità che spinge nella direzione di Jamila M. Per dirla ancora con le parole di Rich: Tu non puoi parlare per me You cannot speak for me. Io non posso parlare per noi I cannot speak for us. Soffermiamoci sul primo enunciato: Spivak non ha trascurato di misurarsi con questa impasse. Spivak chiama in causa V. Il progetto della planetarietà ci autorizza a riposizionare la condizione della subalternità nella geografia del margine, per intrecciarla con altre esperienze di dominazione che puntualmente si mostrano capaci di esprimere antagonismo e resistenza.

Ci sono margini al centro e margini ai margini, rispetto ai quali ogni tentativo di livellare le differenze, come talvolta accade nelle strategie e nei percorsi elaborati dal femminismo transnazionale, risulta mistificante oltre che illegittimo. From margin to center. South End Press, Cambridge. Yearning, Race, Gender and Cultural Politics. Sisters of the Yam: Black women and self-recovery. Education as the practice of freedom.

Mascat Rich, A. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Community, gender and violence. Columbia University Press, New York, Morte di una disciplina. Critica della ragione postcoloniale.

Les livres de Calendoli G. Calendoli, , de Ginot et Michel I. Michel, , et de Bentivoglio L. Bentivoglio, sont influencés par un paradigme historiciste particulier. Pour explorer les histoires de la danse, je me suis aussi passionné à la lecture des théories de Monique Wittig, Judith Butler et Gayatri C. Spivak, qui questionnent la relation entre historicisme et ethnocentrisme. Et la danse, comme toute culture, perd son universalité grâce à une analyse socio-économique.

La déconstruction du sujet qui parle, la mise en doute du langage qui traduit une expression dansée, sont à la base de mes recherches actuelles en dialogue avec les études en danse.

Je voudrais montrer la confusion entre: Au sein du paradigme du progrès, la danse est souvent politisée au travers de la notion de nouveauté qui prend deux sens: Un mythe se crée quand une mémoire, un événement, est extrapolé de son rapport avec une tradition authentifiable.

Qui est-ce le sujet du discours? Au cours du XXe siècle, les personnes qui établissent les spectacles de danse se distancient de la création publique, mais elles possèdent toujours les domaines de production culturelle. Dans cet exemple, je soulève la présence prioritaire des Etats-Unis dans une construction de la danse du XXe siècle. Voir la place des Etats-Unis et de leur influence dans les anthologie de Bentivoglio et de Ginot-Michel.

Les spectacles de danse classique continuent à être les seuls à réunir des publics différents. La danse, pour être histoire, doit être classifiée comme classique, et donc comme un élément important pour la communauté. Veroli se base sur une analyse des portraits photographiques et sur son autobiographie.

Des catégories culturelles profondes établissent la forme et la fiction du roman. Et tout en sachant que ses origines pauvres sont tout à fait relatives, mythiques et narratives. Je conclurai en citant Judith Butler: Le personnage biographique de Duncan semble défendre une image féminine selon une catégorie sexuelle normalisée par ses rôles sociaux, au nom de la raison dominante. Et alors, parlons-nous de danse? La réponse est négative. Les Cahiers de Nijinski comme performativité résistante?

Il décrit sa femme aussi comme subordonnée à son projet de femme, qui est celui de prendre soin de son mari. Les femmes sont inévitablement des subordonnées. Le paradigme principal de comparaison est Dieu et le Christ. Dans les trente dernières pages du premier cahier, le docteur Fränkel, la bitte, les politiciens, et lui-même, sont comparé à Dieu, comme entité salvatrice. Mais par ces cahiers, on ne peut pas comprendre ses agissements concrets dans la vie.

Les cahiers restent des jugements sur lui et sur les autres. Le rapport de causalité et la hiérarchie des thématiques ne sont pas clairs. La narration est ambiguë. Les personnages principaux, sa femme, sa fille et son médecin, sont surtout nommés par leur rôle social.

Dieu et Christ sont aussi une obsession sociale. Il essaie de montrer les pensées autrui. Le bouillonnement mental quelquefois dévie sa logique, entremêle des sensations et des narrations par analogie. Il se décrit lui-même par les images de lui que les autres ont, il se voit aussi par le regard du public après une représentation, il se décrit alors comme homme public et un virtuose du mouvement, mais aussi comme une créature de Dieu, pour donner du plaisir aux spectateurs.

Au début du livre, cette idée passe à travers le personnage de Dieu, qui a inspiré Nijinski dans sa vocation de danseur. Dans ce contexte théorique et culturel, la danse est une vocation de la créativité. En conclusion, comment trouve-t-on une écriture qui accompagne et dialogue avec le corps et sa danse au de-là des catégories sociales et sexuelles? Alors que les formes de sens du corps peuvent apporter à une performativité nouvelle aux théories du discours G.

Le travail critique des normes. Ces corps qui comptent. Storia universale della danza, Mondadori, Milano.

Isadora Duncan in America. Indiana University Press, Bloomington-Indianapolis. Figures de la communauté en danse depuis le XX siècle. Centre national de la danse, Pantin, Isadora Duncan, une sculpture vivante. I discorsi della danza. I've got some suggestions for your blog you might be interested in hearing. Either way, great blog and I look forward to seeing it expand over time. Really appreciate you sharing this blog. Really looking forward to read more. My brother suggested I might like this website.

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How to recognize and find what is common between different cultures and identities? What can the intercultural dynamics learn from cosmopolitan and urban culture? The relation between urban culture and public space.

Central squares as Sol, Catalunya or Liberty — not to mention Tahrir and Place du gouvernement in Egypt and Tunisia — have been transformed into agoras where people listen and discuss new ideals and ways of understanding politics. Cities have always been related to conflict, coexistence between strangers and a plurality of outlooks. The Social Sciences and Political Philosophy should not overlook, ignore or underestimate the public and spontaneous nature of the current protests in the European cities and reflect upon the value and efficacy of the public space as a spot of dialogue, encounter and legitimate political expression.

In this regard, the public space is what enables the meeting and deliberation that leads to possible consensus. Theirs are voices, which have been historically and systemically marginalized from collective decision-making on political, social and economical issues that have marked their individual and collective existence.

Not a simple culture of coexistence, respect or tolerance as the multiculturalism discourse suggests, but as a culture of understanding, translation, and co-implication among subjects of diverse groups. Therein proposes that public discussion is the only way to overcome social conflicts through consensus that allow the agreement and cooperation between speakers, despite the ethical and political differences.

This relationship can encourage people — especially minorities — to acquire and develop the habits and knowledge that not only will allow them to take the decisions to transform their life and work environment, but will also help them to communicate and defend themselves among other ethical and political conceptions, other conceptions that of course also deserve to be heard and discuss. Theoretically speaking, it is time to recover a very important contribution by Henri Lefebvre: A right that understands urban and public space as potentially emancipating H.

In this sense, the public space has an important role as a site of a more active and inclusive form of citizenship. In a moment in which generalized enthusiasm and attention is directed to theorizing about spaces of circulation, virtual networks or flows, it is urgent to think over the progressive neutralization and banality of our public spaces.

In the effort to stop any conflict, the possibility of listening to other conceptions has become almost non-existent, our chances of translating and comprehending other ethical-political values and perspectives — as well as refuting them —, have become poor. The sterilization from the neoliberal conception of public space has taken us away from the possibility of a real dialogue, debate and deliberation. Internet has brought other forms in which to relate and act between strangers with common views, but the public space continues to play a key role in the evolution of our societies.

As pointed out by Chantal Mouffe: Even it developed in a more agonistic way, it is very important to maintain, create and develop both public and physical public spaces, because direct contact between people is essential. There is a type of personal confinement, a lack of physical contact with other people, a lack of contact with different ideas Ch.

The present financial crisis, which raised doubts about the neoliberal model, might be a favorable context or background to allow us to imagine another kind of public space, one of political participation, inclusion and dialogue. This series of functions are not only the characteristics that define the city as a space, but they also constitute an important part of the symbolic character of urban life. Plurality, mobility, anonymity, change, improvisation, tolerance — even respect disguised as indifference — for different lifestyles and behaviors are primary elements of the city life that affect and influence the construction of urban identity and the way people act.

As an old German phrase says: Opposed to what the multicultural cities would require, foreigners or strangers have less and less opportunities to find each other, to dialogue and interact. For the establishment and the consolidation of an intercultural dialogue it is necessary to emphasize the convenience of counting on, constructing and maintaining spaces that predispose or facilitate the overlapping of different itineraries among culturally diverse individuals and groups.

Every city must guarantee that all the representatives or social agents have free access and can freely make the public space their own. These efforts oriented towards the recovery and revival of the communicative interaction among strangers, in open public spaces, are intimately linked to a moral communicative rationality; as Iris Young mentions, to have the opportunity of meeting other people not only allows us to find ourselves further away from selfishness, but also having to listen and recognize the needs of them I.

This will be a key factor in the itinerary or process of empowerment of subjects and collectivities marginalized by the hegemonic cultures. In a social and historical stage that requires thinking about the encounter, interpretation and alliances between diverse groups that are more and more interconnected and close, it is unacceptable to continue projecting ghettos, outskirts, suburbs, banliues that, far from helping the possibilities of the intercultural and social interaction, they favor isolation, selfish practices, miscommunication and segregation.

It becomes the frame for the solidarity networks that allows the concentration and integration of people who are culturally similar and suffers the same segregation. The conflicts in the French banlieu — quickly extended to other European cities in Belgium, Denmark or Germany and now in Spain — have shown since which is the result or social consequences of living in a poorly communicated and badly served neighborhoods.

It is highly probable that the feelings of displacement, boredom and marginalization in badly communicated spaces, which have the highest poverty indexes, will continue to bring violent consequences.

The urban projects should not only be concentrated among the governmental administration and real-estate companies that provide a service and pursue economic profit, but should also be discussed horizontally among all those social sectors and neighbors 36 Public space and urban culture: Urban planning, as any public policy, has to respond to, and take into account, the needs of the residents; not as clients or consumers of goods and services, but as social and cultural agents that are interrelated and that develop their daily lives in these public spaces.

It is necessary to project and recover those public spaces that, abandoned or devastated, have showed their failure to generate dialogue and social interaction. Most cities have multiple wastelands and empty buildings that could be turned into civic centers, urban gardens, sports courts or stages for artistic performances that would not only give visibility to the diverse discourses and practices, but would also get these different collectives and divers groups involved in common enterprises and challenges.

After all, interculturality is praxis, an intersubjective praxis. Final considerations The fact that many minorities or cultural communities share a same urban habitat does not guarantee the establishment of intercultural dialogue.

The consequences are that subjects got habituated to silence in the city. This deficit of verbal relations among strangers that coexist in cosmopolitan cities makes impulses of sympathy towards others, as glances, barely momentary R. As the Arab revolutions have shown, a symptom of democratic life is the need of public spaces that allow real, spontaneous and symbolically complex encounters.

Cultural diversity should not be restrained to a question of taste and hobbies, as the most corny and superficial facet of cosmopolitanism suggests, but a real contact with the issues and problems of cohabitation. This interaction, as any symbolically dense relationship, does not exclude conflict with the subjects of other cultures; but we can expect to channel the differences by reasons, by dialogue, forming alliances and articulating knowledge.

In this sense, the constant arrival of immigrants to the European countries, and the presence of minority cultures who have been settled for centuries in this territory, sets new challenges to the education system. It is essential to cultivate skills that will enable future generations to imagine other cultures, other answers to similar problems, encouraging in them the desire to travel — mentally or physically — and see their own culture and tradition at distance.

From the pluralist perspective that is defended here, the act of solving a conflict, 38 Public space and urban culture: In practice, this dialogue will be possible only if deliberative and participatory democratic culture around the public is well rooted in the society, and if there are democratic channels or spaces that give voice to the different needs and values of the diverse.

We must not forget that, by definition, the dialogue requires political, social and economic conditions of equality. Los orígenes del totalitarismo. Las reivindicaciones de la cultura. Identidad, pertenencia y ciudadanía mundial. El derecho a la ciudad.

Aalso available on line: Vida urbana e identidad personal. La justicia y la política de la diferencia. La Ville, le port et les femmes. Dans ceux-ci, Beauvoir construit-elle un espace urbain sexué?

Dans un deuxième temps, nous nous pencherons sur ses longs séjours à Marseille et à Rouen, lors de ses années de professorat dans les années Elle entre au cours Désir en ibidem: Ce confort éclate après la Première Guerre Mondiale, lorsque sa famille tombe dans une demi-gêne ibidem: Si les espaces naturels restent circonscrits aux parcs ibidem: Le ton des mémoires diffère cependant de celui des Cahiers de Jeunesse, qui reste longtemps enthousiaste S.

Ces cours lui apparaissent inutiles et de type paternaliste. Elle note les rôles hiérarchiques: Ainsi, son cousin Jacques lui ouvre les horizons de la littérature contemporaine, au scandale de ses parents S. Entraînée par ses lectures, elle découvre, grâce à son cousin, les lieux mêmes où se perdent certains de ses auteurs favoris: Soupault, , tout comme Breton dans Nadja A. Aragon chante en prose les cafés et ses aventures dans Le Paysan de Paris L.

Cocteau consacre dans ses Portraits-Souvenirs des pages au cirque J. Il est 44 La Ville, le port et les femmes. Si les motifs de la conduite de Jacques restent obscurs, au moins a-t-il révélé à sa cousine un monde fascinant, où elle retournera sans son mentor ibidem: Elle se hasarde également dans les quartiers populaires, mais non pour prêcher la fraternisation ibidem: Si Beauvoir construit un Tiphaine Martin 45 espace sexué dans Paris, tout en retraçant sa libération personnelle, libération qui passe par une géographie précise, ses expériences suivies des marges se situeront lors de ses excursions hors de Paris et hors des lieux de son enfance.

Ces années de professorat mettent en lumière un statut social particulier, associé à des normes sexuelles spécifiques, que Beauvoir se plaît à bafouer. Nous pouvons lui appliquer ce mot de Valéry Larbaud: Tant à Marseille S. Elle se moque également de ses collègues, engoncées dans leurs habits comme dans leurs habitudes ibidem: Simone de Beauvoir choque donc triplement ses collègues et les bonnes sociétés provinciales, traditionnellement plus rétives aux bouleversements de la modernité.

Son apparence vestimentaire choque 14 Plusieurs collègues de Beauvoir sont mariées S. Regards beauvoiriens sur les marges les conventions, son enseignement ne respecte pas le programme et évoque les questions de sexualité, de morale La bonne société a tôt fait de montrer du doigt la femme qui ne respecte pas les codes de respectabilité et de discrétion dont les femmes sont censées faire preuve dans tous les domaines.

Beauvoir se plaît à choquer le bourgeois jusque dans certains de ses loisirs. Ainsi, elle vagabonde, sur les traces de Cocteau Elle rôde également sur le port S. Cocteau les a immortalisées dans une pièce de théâtre, Le Pauvre Matelot, en J.

Elle se procure ainsi des sensations fortes, sans aucun danger pour elle-même. Madrid en S. Nous avons particulièrement remarqué une charmante personne qui suivait toutes les séances, assise au premier rang du public. Dans ces deux cas, ce sont les marques extérieures qui font signe pour Simone de Beauvoir et ses amis. En outre, Simone de Beauvoir a vécu son enfance à une époque où, par exemple, seules les femmes portaient les cheveux longs, car marqueurs de la féminité.

Nous remarquerons que lorsque les garçons laisseront pousser leurs cheveux, les moqueries, voire les insultes pleuvront, ce que pointe par exemple le chanteur Antoine dans sa chanson Les Élucubrations , ou, sur un mode plus tragique, le cinéaste Denis Hopper dans son film Easy Rider ; S.

La mémorialiste va plus loin que cette anecdote avec ses remarques sur les habits éclatants de couleur des Romains de La voyageuse se laisse prendre au jeu des apparences, dans un premier temps, puis note, amusée, le malentendu installé par le changement de coiffure des garçons.

La mouvance des apparences, observées par la mémorialiste en , fait apparaître la libéralisation des codes sociaux pour une partie de la population.

Du moins, nous pouvons établir un parallèle entre les deux ouvrages — livre et film — comme nous montrant une réalité des années Dans les années , le dehors est devenu un espace mixte, tant au niveau social que sexuel. Filles et garçons se retrouvent en groupe, sans que la présence des filles soit connotée de manière négative.

Elle interroge ensuite sa guide danoise sur ce phénomène: Je me suis arrêtée devant une librairie. Une des vitrines était remplie de livres consacrés à des plantes ou à des animaux. Nous butons une fois encore sur une aporie du texte mémoriel: Nous pouvons analyser cette attitude des pays nordiques comme un refus du retrait de la sexualité dans la sphère privée.

Cependant, nous noterons que seuls les hommes sortent vainqueurs, car ils dominent le jeu sexuel. Le droit à disposer de son corps est devenu le devoir de pratiquer une sexualité consumériste et individualiste, qui de toute évidence, ne se décline pas de la même façon au féminin et au masculin. Les fantasmes masculins sont prioritaires, que les femmes soient présentées comme actives ou passives. En 52 La Ville, le port et les femmes. Beauvoir ne se considère ici que comme un individu, pas comme une femme.

Elle aborde volontairement le monde des bas-fonds avec un regard voilé par le pittoresque: Tous ces voyages sont autocentrés sur ses propres sensations.

Beauvoir oscille entre une vision superficielle et un engouement pour les marges, et une vision plus politisée et féministe des corps envisagés comme objets et montrés comme tels. Nous assistons également, au fil des volumes mémoriels, à un changement de point de vue. De spectatrice amusée, Simone de Beauvoir devient une observatrice perplexe. À nous de continuer sur sa lancée. Références bibliographiques Aragon, L. Le Paysan de Paris. Le Deuxième Sexe, II. La Force des choses. Tome I, Gallimard Folio, Paris.

Le Deuxième Sexe, I, Les faits et les mythes. Evocation du vieux Marseille. Editions de Minuit, Paris. Romans, poésies, oeuvres diverses. Le Livre de Poche, Paris. Regards beauvoiriens sur les marges Larbaud, V. Émancipation sexuelle ou contrainte des corps?. Les dernières nuits de Paris. Oggi, in Italia, le stime parlano di Sconfinamenti e confinamenti nella città contemporanea Carchedi; V.

Le sex worker straniere, in poco più di un trentennio, hanno radicalmente mutato la fisionomia del mercato del sesso, immettendovi una varietà etnica e linguistica senza precedenti, insieme a una pluralità di percorsi e progetti migratori, volontari e coatti. Come scrive Laura Agustín: Il nesso tra prostituzione come pratica sociale e culturale e mobilità contiene invece a mio parere significati ulteriori e, almeno in parte, differenti. Questa è oggi evidente nelle migrazioni internazionali, che interessano le rotte globali Giorgia Serughetti 57 Est-Ovest, Sud-Nord, ma anche Sud-Sud, come nel caso delle prostitute marocchine in Arabia Saudita, per fare un esempio tra i più noti.

Ma la mobilità del lavoro sessuale si connette anche alle migrazioni interne o su distanze limitate, dalle zone economicamente deprivate ai centri industriali, dalla città alla campagna. Paola Tabet ne La grande beffa mostra come si tratti di un fenomeno trasversale alle culture, in cui gli elementi di continuità tra i movimenti di sex worker su piccola scala e su scala globale sono più numerosi di quelli di discontinuità.

Rompendo le norme sulla proprietà matrimoniale delle donne P. Tabet, , contravvenendo alla morale sessuale egemone, la prostituta è costretta a una posizione di outsider che la obbliga a sfuggire al controllo e al biasimo della sua comunità di affetti e conoscenze.

Dal lato dei clienti, la mobilità assume dimensioni macroscopiche nel turismo sessuale, che opera lungo le rotte delle migrazioni globali ma in direzione inversa, da Nord a Sud, da Ovest a Est. Sconfinamenti e confinamenti nella città contemporanea luoghi.

Tuttavia, la specificità della transazione che intercorre nel rapporto prostituta-cliente, ovvero il fatto che il bene scambiato sia di tipo sessuale, la differenzia dalla maggior parte delle attività economiche, anche da quelle che rientrano nel settore dei servizi alla persona.

Ma la natura specificamente sessuale del servizio prestato estende e confonde queste categorie, caricandole di connotazioni di genere. Assumiamo qui che il cliente sia maschio e la prostituta sia femmina o agisca un ruolo di genere femminile la situazione che si verifica nella larga maggioranza dei casi. Cameron, , insieme ad altri gruppi umani percepiti come cause di degrado, pericolo o malattia stranieri, nomadi, mendicanti Di Nicola et al. Il ricorso alla prostituzione di strada è 60 Prostituzione e mobilità.

Dal Lago e Quadrelli I travestiti sono talvolta uomini omosessuali che si travestono per compiacere la clientela e aumentare le possibilità di guadagno: Inversamente, i transessuali non operati, che spesso non desiderano impersonare il ruolo attivo richiesto dai clienti e provano un rifiuto per i propri genitali, tuttavia, per andare incontro al mercato, valorizzano, oltre agli elementi femminili del proprio aspetto seno, abbigliamento, trucco Anche le donne prostitute possono agire sul lavoro comportamenti eterosessuali e nel privato esprimere un orientamento omosessuale.

È il caso dei clienti di prostitute transessuali, per i quali una frequentazione routinaria è probabile che esprima il compromesso tra bisogno di mantenere una rispettabilità sociale e appagamento di pulsioni omosessuali J. Mobilità performativa Distinta ma strettamente collegata alla mobilità sessuale è la mobilità che ho chiamato performativa.

Prostituta e cliente usano un linguaggio comune, intessuto di segni condivisi, di menzogne concordate, di misteriose complicità. In questa finzione, come in ogni recita, gli attori indossano abiti di scena e maschere espressive, dismettendoli quando abbandonano lo spazio della ribalta per tornare ognuno nel proprio retroscena.

Conclusioni In conclusione, la mobilità si presenta come una caratteristica non accidentale ma essenziale delle pratiche contemporanee della prostituzione. Una caratteristica che ci permette di interpretare le politiche, talvolta ferocemente repressive, di regolamentazione della prostituzione non solo come un esercizio di potere sui corpi e la sessualità, nel senso della biopolitica descritta da Foucault, ma anche come strategie di controllo della mobilità, analoghe a quelle impiegate nella difesa dei confini nazionali e urbani dalle migrazioni S.

Bauman, rimuovendo ogni ostacolo spaziale e sociale alla proliferazione dei luoghi di vendita e acquisto di beni e servizi nei centri urbani. In Italia gli effetti sono visibili nella proliferazione di ordinanze municipali anti-prostituzione: La prostituzione prospera negli appartamenti e nei locali, in periferia come nei ricchi quartieri centrali, e si alimenta attraverso i telefoni mobili e la rete, ovvero i media della mobilità post-moderna, gli strumenti della contrazione dello spazio-tempo.

È allora non ai margini, ma al centro dei processi sociali e culturali della contemporaneità che dobbiamo guardare, per comprendere il lavoro sessuale come pratica in costante divenire. Sex at the Margins. Migration, Labour Market and the Rescue Industry. Zed Books, London-New York. Le conseguenze sulle persone. La prostituzione in Italia. Intimacy, Authenticity, and the Commerce of Sex.

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Prostituzione migrante e donne trafficate. Il caso delle donne albanesi, moldave e rumene. Prostitution and Sexuality in France after Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Clienti e prostitute si raccontano. La città e le ombre. Prostitution and Human Trafficking: La volontà di sapere. Sconfinamenti e confinamenti nella città contemporanea Goffman, E. La vita quotidiana come rappresentazione. Sesso in acquisto una ricerca sui clienti della prostituzione.

Sex Work on the Streets: Prostitutes and Their Clients. Open University Press, Buckingham. Lettere dalle case chiuse. I confini della libertà. Edizioni di Comunità, Torino. The new urban frontier: Sessualità delle donne e scambio sessuo-economico. Ces formes de participation ouvrent une série de questions: Au-delà de son contenu politique, la mort de Sohane recouvre une double valeur pour les habitants du quartier: Ces caractéristiques englobent une logique de genre.

Alors, comme il y avait cette tour qui tombait, le directeur souhaitait regrouper des paroles, pour les habitants. Je pense que dans certaines situations, les hommes sont complètement désinvestis. Mme Kamar, professionnelle du Centre Social Balzac. Avec la rénovation, les personnes âgées se sont retrouvées dans une très grande fragilité.

Mon père a 85 ans. On a des sentiments, on est des êtres humains. Et ces femmes, nées ou élevées en France, en sont 70 Engagements et prise de parole des femmes de la cité de Balzac devenues leurs porte-paroles. Retif Sala Pala, Mme Nacéra est née en à Paris de parents algériens.

Elle est arrivée à Balzac en , son père étant un des premiers auxquels la commune avait attribué un logement. En , elle a un enfant avec un Algérien. Après une période difficile, elle est revenue à la cité. Étant donné son état de santé, elle ne travaille pas. Comme elle le dit: Je parle pour tout le monde quand je parle moi, je parle pour tout le monde. Je parle pas que pour mon cas. Qui sont, qui ont toutes leurs vies ici Mme Nacéra.

Quand je dis changer ça veut dire tourner la page; je veux voir autre chose, quoi. Ça faisait longtemps que je voulais sortir. Envie de tourner la page, envie de voir autre chose, voilà quoi. Les hommes, ils sont plutôt vers le bas des bâtiments Mme Latifa. La sexuation des lieux exprime les multiples représentations de Balzac qui oscillent entre deux pôles: Pour moi, elles, Ni putes ni soumises, ont fait un petit peu trop de publicité.

Elles ont fait trop de pub, pour moi ça a été trop de publicité pour rien tout ça. Références bibliographiques Amara, F. Ni putes ni soumises. Crise urbaine et espaces sexués. Les féministes et le garçon arabe. The anthropology of space and place. Rapport de recherche non publié. Les femmes entre la ville et la cité. Les éditions du remueménage, Montréal.

In Nome di chi? Partecipazione e rappresentanza nelle mobilitazioni locali. A ma question de savoir si, avant le mariage, elle était une enfant, elle a acquiescé. Pour ce faire, il faudra prendre ses distances avec les catégorisations occidentales. Comme le rappelle Bourdieu: Jeunes filles et identité genrée communs, et de rapporter ces intérêts à un âge défini biologiquement, constitue déjà une manipulation évidente.

Dans un deuxième temps, on analysera des scènes ethnographiques qui cristallisent les contradictions auxquelles les jeunes filles roms font face. Pasqualino, ou les enfants et non leur identité genrée R. Cette partie 24 Consulté le 29 septembre Des changements importants ont suivi le phénomène migratoire, qui intéresse désormais un grande nombre de Roms en Europe.

Gay-y-Blasco, , dont on parlera dans la prochaine partie. Jeunes filles et identité genrée trouvent-elles un sens aux comportements de leurs filles? Quelles sont les formes de réappropriation de différents modèles de la part des filles ellesmêmes? Sonia26 et Deborah, deux cousines de treize ans, sont nées et ont grandi sur le terrain en banlieue milanaise. Des rumeurs quant aux dangers de ce lieu servent à contrôler les jeunes filles: Cachées derrière une fenêtre, nous suivions les événements: Jeunes filles et identité genrée Nous entrevoyons alors Nadia partir en voiture avec son père et celui de Sonia: Effectivement, la famille de Nadia quitta le terrain.

Quelques jours après, une autre voisine affirma: Elle exprimait en une phrase les tensions entre ces deux générations. Pour leur donner un sens, il faut les replacer dans le contexte historique des rapports sociaux de race avec la société majoritaire.

Ils sont perçus comme un corps étranger et non-intégrable, y compris les Roms italiens. Cette réjection se traduit par un lien étroit entre identité ethnique et identité de genre O. Chez les Roms roumains, Iulia Hasdeu Hamel, , à savoir une réaction et une défense vis-à-vis du racisme subi par ces communautés. Ainsi, le corps des filles participe à une redéfinition des frontières du groupe. Maskens, , le sexisme identitaire alimente un idéal de distinction avec les non-roms, afin de réhabiliter leur communauté.

Or, cette génération se retrouve aussi confrontée à différentes morales genrées, à savoir celles de leur groupe et des normes libérales occidentales. Consulté le 11 mai Ces pratiques de contestation ou de résistance oscillent entre rêver, les yeux ouverts, à un destin différent du leur A.

Franco Angeli, Milano, Les rapports sociaux de sexe. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, Vite in Italia e proiezioni verso casa tra i migranti ecuadoriani. Éditions de Minuit, Paris, Féminisme s , Penser la pluralité.

Représenter la société française. La découverte, Paris, The fragility of cosmopolitanism: La production des grands hommes: The Darwing Press, Princeton, The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Jeunes filles et identité genrée Marcu, O.

Giovani rom e dinamiche di genere: Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano. Catégorisations et idéologies de sexe, Côté-femmes, Paris, Coming of age in Samoa. William Morrow, New York. Growing up in New Guinea.

Thèse de doctorat en épidémiologie, Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, Centro de investigación de enfermedades tropicales, Acapulco, Guerrero Mexico. Toward an Anthropology of Women. Monthly Review Press, New York, Bambini del campo nomadi. Romà bosniaci a Torino.

Franco Angeli, Milanio, Per sharam devi portare il tuo purdah! La sua trasmissione risulta problematica nelle famiglie migranti a causa della difficoltà di educare allo sharam, complesso sentimento che sostiene il purdah. Per una completa spiegazione dei due termini vedi paragrafo 4 in questo saggio. La trasmissione della pratica purdah emerge come impegno educativo e politico delle famiglie migranti verso le figlie e i figli, attraverso la creazione del sentimento di appartenenza a più gruppi: Nathan ha applicato in campo psicoterapeutico le teorie di G.

Il tipico abito e la lunga sciarpa utilizzata dalle donne per la copertura di capelli e decolté. Essi costituiscono, nelle loro articolazioni culturali, i fattori delle dinamiche sociali e di genere. Nella contraddizione e convivenza tra questi elementi risiede la sua maggiore peculiarità.

Nel mosaico di situazioni e valori di cinque popoli differenti35 per lingua, ma che sono stati uniti dal nella nazione pakistana a causa della comune identità islamica, esistono aspetti culturali comuni. Uno di essi è il purdah la cui pratica, per la sua origine tradizionale, definisce una donna come onorevole e per tale motivo è tuttora soggetto alla trasmissione culturale. I mohajir sono i musulmani nati in India ed emigrati nel a seguito della partizione.

Moro, e come le problematiche educative non possono essere comprese al di fuori del sistema culturale familiare T. La lingua è un sistema culturale che fabbrica il mondo poiché le parole sono un già dato, una costrizione che determina il tipo di esperienza, un sistema culturale che racchiude un gruppo contribuendo a identificarlo.

Il soggetto, rappresentando la sua esperienza in forma narrativa, attribuisce un senso alla vita quotidiana J. In questo senso il racconto è un lavoro che incessantemente trasforma i luoghi geografici in spazi di vita: La lettura di un resoconto di ricerca sul purdah in Pakistan R. Questa visione viene messa in scacco da incontri in cui prevalgono altre visioni pedagogiche e differenti modelli educativi: Nel periodo GennaioGiugno ho effettuato lo stesso tipo di lavoro sul campo con dieci giovani donne pakistane di seconda generazione.

Da un punto di vista metodologico è importante sottolineare la differenza che intercorre tra un mediatore linguistico culturale e un informatore in campo antropologico: Un partire da sé, con diverse direzioni di ascolto Maria Grazia Soldati 91 contemporanee e complementari. Si esprime in forme visibili e non-visibili: Oggi la tenda originaria si gioca nelle diverse forme di vestiario che caratterizzano la pratica stessa: In una certa misura, nel ciclo di vita di una donna, è possibile attraversare tutte queste differenti forme di vestiario come narra Umal, una giovane donna sposata in Italia da dieci anni.

Quando ero in Pakistan, mia cognata mi richiamava sempre: Ci fu un evento: Da quel giorno, per sei anni, uscendo da casa ho dovuto portare il burka.

Ricordo che cadevo sempre perché inciampavo. Quando sono venuta in Italia lui mi ha conosciuto per 92 Per sharam devi portare il tuo purdah!

Narra Noor donna adulta di 45 anni, madre e nonna: Il purdah interiore è una cosa che io non riesco ancora a controllare, io ho jiad dentro, che non vuol dire la guerra con gli altri come si sente dire qui, ma il conflitto con la tua anima.

Fino a quando non hai il controllo sulla tua anima non puoi avere il purdah interiore, ma se non hai questo, non puoi avere nemmeno il purdah esteriore. Rusdhie nel suo romanzo Shame scrive che: Il purdah si costruisce su questa polisemia del sentimento di sharam perché come afferma Umal: Puoi essere avvolta sette volte negli strati del vestito ma se non hai sharam dentro di te, non sei in purdah. Nelle regole della religione una donna non deve nemmeno parlare con un uomo.

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Na ultima foto estao tres amigos sao paulinos do Richarlison. Tem coisas que até Deus duvida, mas principalmente, coisas que nem photoshop ajuda. Como é que eles tem coragem de tirar umas fotos dessas?!?!

A ultima fechou com chave de ouro. O post mais nojento da hisrória: Meu Deus que tenso!! Fuja para as colinas. Abriram o setimo selo do apocalipse!!!!!!!!!!!! Õ o que foi isso? Por isso que eu acredito em aliens!

Putz, põe censura nisso. Isso é a maior prova que deviam ter requisitos pra se ter orkut. O inferno se abriu! Nem dormir eu num vou! Chuta q eh macumbaaaaa….. Voltem pro mar oferendas!!! E ainda dizem que ser preconceituoso é feio… mas desse jeito ai? Dessa vez o Senhor pegou pesado…. Q porra eh essa……. Quanta gente bonita, que isso!

Vou passar uma semana tendo pesadelos. Nunca imaginaria que podia existir gente assim! O fim do mundo vem aiiiiiiiiiiii!!!!!!!!!!

Começandu pela abertura du inferno!!!!!!!!! Tenso heim, Quase vumitei. Porr , deu um nojo agora: A privada entopiu, ta vazando merda pra todo lado. Fecha a boca se nao entra mosca. Eu estou me sentindo uma verdadeira miss, como tem gente de coragem nesse mundo, ui!!!

OOO Que vontade de vomitar: Tudo muito bizarro…da uma olhadinha na ultima foto!!!!!!!!! Volta pro mar dispacho! Nousss , Essas fotos me chocaram! A segunda tem bigodeee! Na sétima foto até o gato é feio!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Foto de muebles de oficina. Camaras de foto digitales nikon. Come creare caricature da foto. Comprar album de fotos para book. Foto alsa setia band.

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